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CSKA, led by three goals from right wing Sara Ristovka, cut the gap to only four goals at 28:24 after a 5:1 run that prompted CSM coach Adrian Vasile to take a time-out; the second leg will be played in Moscow on Sunday, 11 April, with CSKA needing a miraculous comeback to secure their first-ever DELO EHF FINAL 4 berth. Returul este programat la Moscova, pe 11 aprilie
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Returul este programat la Moscova, pe 11 aprilie. Aruncarea finala a Cristinei Neagu se loveste de blocaj. Csm bucuresti tska moscova. CSKA, led by three goals from right wing Sara Ristovka, cut the gap to only four goals at 28:24 after a 5:1 run that prompted CSM coach Adrian Vasile to take a time-out; the second leg will be played in Moscow on Sunday, 11 April, with CSKA needing a miraculous comeback to secure their first-ever DELO EHF FINAL 4 berth Poi plasa pariuri pe rezultatul final al meciului, handicapuri sau alte variante de pariere disponibile., csm bucuresti cska moscova.
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CSM Bucuresti vs CSKA Moscova pont: Elizabeth Omoregie sub 2,5 goluri, adaugat de Marius Hutu, pe 03 Aprilie 2021. Returul este programat la Moscova, pe 11 aprilie
TVR Moldova nu doar ca n-a avut frecven?a na?ionala mul?i ani, dar are o acoperire extrem de limitata ?i o influen?a minimala. La Chi?inau, patrund cu greu televiziunile ?i presa scrisa dinspre Romania. La Bucureti, de cealalta parte, avem un adevarat blocaj mediatic pe Moldova, fara posturi tv dinspre Chi?inau., csm bucurești cska moscova:. Ce finan?eaza Romania la Chi?inau ‘ Este nevoie de finan?area reala, multianuala, a proiectelor presei independente, societa?ii civile ?i ONG-urilor de la Chi?inau printr-un fond specific al guvernului de la Bucure?ti, poate pe modelul fondurilor norvegiene in Romania. Finan?are transparenta, gestionata responsabil, pe o perioada lunga de timp, pentru a permite sustenabilitatea proiectelor societa?ii civile pe zona de reforma administrativa, lupta anticorup?ie, domeniu social sau intarirea capacita?ii ONG-urilor moldovene?ti. Fa?a de acum cinci ani, foarte pu?ine lucruri au evoluat. Unele chiar au involuat, ceea ce ridica semne de intrebare privind ‘performan?ele’ soft power-ului romanesc la Chi?inau. De?i principalul donator de asisten?a ?i partener comercial, Romania ramane undeva intr-un con de umbra cand vine vorba de capacitatea de a pune lucrurile in mi?care la Chi?inau. Iar subiectul putea fi abordat in special de contracandida?ii pre?edintelui in func?ie, caci este mai degraba o slabiciune a mandatului lui Klaus Iohannis ?i guvernelor post 2014. De ce nu are ecou campania preziden?iala din Romania la Chi?inau? Campania preziden?iala din acest an nu se bucura de o aten?ie sporita la Chi?inau. Ceea ce pare subiect de ?tiri sunt doar aspectele de infrastructura precum majorarea numarului de sec?ii de votare pe teritoriul Republicii Moldova ‘ 37 la numar, meritul presiunii societa?ii civile asupra MAE roman ca urmare a e?ecului de la alegerile europarlamentare in diaspora. Campania anosta din Romania, lipsita de referiri la Republica Moldova, combinata cu tumultul politic de la Chi?inau (alegerile locale ?i infrangerea blocului ACUM, dar ?i eventualitatea mo?iunii de cenzura care amenin?a guvernul Maia Sandu), au dus in plan secund alegerile din Romania. Exista insa ?i pu?ina informare privind alegerile din Romania, dar ?i o notorietate destul de scazuta a candida?ilor la Chi?inau, ceea ce men?ine interesul destul de limitat. Romania nu reu?e?te sa creeze o efervescen?a la Chi?inau privind alegerile preziden?iale, iar candida?ii, cu o singura excep?ie, nici macar nu au ajuns la Chi?inau pentru a-?i prezenta platforma electorala.
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